Showing posts with label Enlargement. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Enlargement. Show all posts

3 February 2014

A Common European Home



Cameron's meeting with Hollande last week underlined again our isolation from the central European debates, while last month's vote European Parliament indicates the strong majority in favour of total free movement within Europe. While it would be wrong to suggest that there is anything like consensus over this issue, since there are already many anti-immigration members of the Parliament and their numbers are likely to swell after May's elections, there is a centre of gravity around the idea that once within the Europen home, citizens are free to seek better lives in other member states.

The moral commitment supporting this position, although often unstated, is that everybody within the European Union has an equal right to a certain standard of living, usually measured in purely material terms. This position has been driven particularly by German members who extended their own sense of responsibility for their brothers and sisters in the East to make this a Europe-wide understanding that the countries of Central and Eastern Europe deserved a lifestyle similar to those in the West. After the fall of the Soviet Bloc it seemed churlish not to welcome Czechs, Bulgarians and others who had escaped communist domination into the wealthy and free culture of western Europe.

At an ideological level this position is fine, noble even; the problem arises when it runs up against the limits of political economy. We are being asked to share the wealth of Europe more equally between citizens who begin with wildly different levels of income. Yet this is not to be a managed process it is to be a process determined by ambitious individuals who follow their dreams in a random process. Aside from the financial transfers through the European Convergence mechanism, what was the policy to ensure and equalisation of incomes? Perhaps equally important, where was the questioning about quality of life, and about what the accession countries might be losing in their headlong rush to consumerism?

It adds to the complexity that the movement to equalise standards of living between very different societies has taken place against a backdrop of increasing corporate power, as trade unions have been attacked and governments have retreated from strong regulation. In this context the Enlargement made available to global corporations a skilled and yet poorly paid workforce, and whether these people arrived in our countries or stay in their own countries it is hard to argue that they do not put downward pressure on wages and cause jobs to move eastwards. Given that at the time of Enlargement many western democracies had socialist leaders, it is quite extraordinary that they did not include in the deal some requirements for minimum wages, even the transition towards an EU minimum wage. If the assumption behind policy-making is really that we seek a Europe where citizens are equal in civil rights and also in standards of living then such a policy was always essential.

The vision of Europe we were sold was one where our cousins to the east would rise upwards to meet us in our halcyon luxurious lifestyles. Yet such a vision always required rapid economic growth across the European economy, for without it equality was bound to mean those in the pre-2003 EU states facing a lower standard of living. Any growth that Europe experienced in the past decade was largely credit driven, and now that the bubble has burst growth is hard to come by and hence the pressure for equalisation has become a downward pressure on living standards in EU member states.

As a Green Economist I am entirely committed to equality but I must also recognise the limits of the ecological system on which we depend. I cannot share the irrational exuberance of a socialist politician I once discussed this with who told me 'I'm an old fashioned socialist: I believe everybody should have a Ferrari'. The widespread and growing evidence that we have reached the ecological limits, whether we are thinking about climate change or biodiversity loss, suggests that the earth simply cannot sustain Ferraris for all. The choice for European citizens is whether we follow the Nationalists in keeping our Ferraris and leaving the Romanians with Ladas, or whether we accept an egalitarian future even if it might mean rehabilitating the bicycle.
.

12 August 2013

Solidarity to Counter Corporate Exploitation

As though in response to my previous post (!) Chris Bryant will today make a speech addressing the political economy of immigration. According to extracts published in yesterday's Telegraph, he will accuse Tesco and Next of deliberately hiring workers from other EU countries because they are prepared to put up with working conditions and terms of employment that unions outlawed for British workers several decades ago. This, at last, is Labour fighting back on behalf of labour but it comes nearly a decade too late.

Most of the public prognostications about immigration are performance rather than policy, because since the major Enlargement of the European Union in 2004, right in the middle of the last Labour government, there has been a labour-market of 500 million people but without legislation to protect working conditions. What the EU proudly calls the 'largest enlargement so far' took place in 2004 and saw ten new countries join the EU including the Czech Republic, Poland, Slovakia, Solvenia, Hungary and the Baltic States. This creation of a huge pool of surplus and low-paid Labour was inevitably going to create downward pressure on wages and cause migration from lower- to higher-paid economies across Europe.

I opposed the Enlargement because I saw that it would increase the size of the low-skilled labour-market and therefore as part of a corporate agenda to undermine the power of working people. I lived in Wales at the time and it was obvious from that vantage-point that the life-chances of those who relied on employment in the factories of multinational companies would suffer seriously if workers earning far less were to become available within the same single market. I assume that Chris Bryant, MP for the Rhondda, has a similar vantage-point but his protestations come to late and with no concrete policies attached. If trade unions, and the Labour parties that were supposed to represent labour and were in power in many of the EU countries at the time, had insisted on equal terms and conditions and a single European minimum wage then the Enlargement could indeed have spread poverty eastwards, but without this agreement it actually brought poverty and employment insecurity westwards.

The conditions of employment, democratic rights and legal protections we enjoy in the UK--the very reason that living and working here is so attractive to those overseas--were won as a consequence of long and bitter struggles. Globalisation, through the expansion of out-sourcing and off-shoring as well as the freer movement of labour, has weakened these rights. This is an issue that stems from the relative power of capital and labour rather than an argument about who us, or is not, a racist. The whole immigration debate is a classic example of divide-and-rule, distracting from the obvious truth that all workers need to be protected with basic employment rights and minimum wage rates.

In the 19th-century the attempt by those who control capital to exploit workers by moving them beyond their sphere of natural rights was recognised and the proposal was one if international solidarity: that workers of the world should unite. If Chris Bryant is to move beyond rhetoric, and to convince working people that there is some purpose in voting Labour, then he needs to get his union friends across Europe to organise that solidarity and call for uniform working conditions and a Europe-wide minimum wage.
.