Showing posts with label immigration. Show all posts
Showing posts with label immigration. Show all posts

3 February 2014

A Common European Home



Cameron's meeting with Hollande last week underlined again our isolation from the central European debates, while last month's vote European Parliament indicates the strong majority in favour of total free movement within Europe. While it would be wrong to suggest that there is anything like consensus over this issue, since there are already many anti-immigration members of the Parliament and their numbers are likely to swell after May's elections, there is a centre of gravity around the idea that once within the Europen home, citizens are free to seek better lives in other member states.

The moral commitment supporting this position, although often unstated, is that everybody within the European Union has an equal right to a certain standard of living, usually measured in purely material terms. This position has been driven particularly by German members who extended their own sense of responsibility for their brothers and sisters in the East to make this a Europe-wide understanding that the countries of Central and Eastern Europe deserved a lifestyle similar to those in the West. After the fall of the Soviet Bloc it seemed churlish not to welcome Czechs, Bulgarians and others who had escaped communist domination into the wealthy and free culture of western Europe.

At an ideological level this position is fine, noble even; the problem arises when it runs up against the limits of political economy. We are being asked to share the wealth of Europe more equally between citizens who begin with wildly different levels of income. Yet this is not to be a managed process it is to be a process determined by ambitious individuals who follow their dreams in a random process. Aside from the financial transfers through the European Convergence mechanism, what was the policy to ensure and equalisation of incomes? Perhaps equally important, where was the questioning about quality of life, and about what the accession countries might be losing in their headlong rush to consumerism?

It adds to the complexity that the movement to equalise standards of living between very different societies has taken place against a backdrop of increasing corporate power, as trade unions have been attacked and governments have retreated from strong regulation. In this context the Enlargement made available to global corporations a skilled and yet poorly paid workforce, and whether these people arrived in our countries or stay in their own countries it is hard to argue that they do not put downward pressure on wages and cause jobs to move eastwards. Given that at the time of Enlargement many western democracies had socialist leaders, it is quite extraordinary that they did not include in the deal some requirements for minimum wages, even the transition towards an EU minimum wage. If the assumption behind policy-making is really that we seek a Europe where citizens are equal in civil rights and also in standards of living then such a policy was always essential.

The vision of Europe we were sold was one where our cousins to the east would rise upwards to meet us in our halcyon luxurious lifestyles. Yet such a vision always required rapid economic growth across the European economy, for without it equality was bound to mean those in the pre-2003 EU states facing a lower standard of living. Any growth that Europe experienced in the past decade was largely credit driven, and now that the bubble has burst growth is hard to come by and hence the pressure for equalisation has become a downward pressure on living standards in EU member states.

As a Green Economist I am entirely committed to equality but I must also recognise the limits of the ecological system on which we depend. I cannot share the irrational exuberance of a socialist politician I once discussed this with who told me 'I'm an old fashioned socialist: I believe everybody should have a Ferrari'. The widespread and growing evidence that we have reached the ecological limits, whether we are thinking about climate change or biodiversity loss, suggests that the earth simply cannot sustain Ferraris for all. The choice for European citizens is whether we follow the Nationalists in keeping our Ferraris and leaving the Romanians with Ladas, or whether we accept an egalitarian future even if it might mean rehabilitating the bicycle.
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8 August 2013

International Workers of the World

The question of immigration has been off limits for the left until fairly recently. The discomfort of left-wing intellectuals at being seen to be racist or unwelcoming has been skilfully manipulated by those whose interests have been well served by the influx of cheap powerless labour.  A worker without papers is a non-person, a person who has no legal rights who can do nothing to defend him or herself against exploitation. Globalisation has weakened the power of unions, as we have forced to compete with the slave-like conditions and wages of workers in China and the other ‘emerging’ economies across the world. The hard political-economy truth is that this process was greatly exacerbated by the desperate movement of illegal workers who travelled the world to chase the flow of goods and capital.

A few renegade intellectuals, notably David Goodhart and Maurice Glasman, have recently broken ranks, arguing that Britain’s white working-class have lost their means of livelihood as well as identity and that this is the root cause of our social malaise. Sadly, Goodhart in particular has failed to match his explanation of the impact of immigration with condemnation of the overtly racist policies of right-wing politicians who are seeking to capitalise on the unease this causes and so has lost much credibility. Glasman is by nature a contrarian and the clear division between his position and that of Labour’s traditional intellectual community has effectively led to the break-up of the ill-fated ‘blue labour’ project.

The target of Goodhart and Glasman were the middle-class intellectuals who adopt a liberal position on immigration without considering its impact on those in more vulnerable situations. Those with more liberal attitudes towards migration tend not to live in the neighbourhoods of our cities where they need to think about what the migration of such people does to the life chances of their children whether in terms of employment, housing or social services. Little surprise, then, that a recent survey of British social attitudes shows negativity to immigration to be closely allied with social class. The Gs might well agree that we are operating with outrageous double standards – exporting our language, companies, TV shows, media stars but objecting when those on the receiving end of this barrage choose to seek its origin personally. But the reality is that the migration of doctors and lecturers and engineers, who travel the world selling their skills, is a world apart from the migration of desperately poor economic and social migrants who sell their bodies and their souls.




If you are beginning to feel a little hot under the collar at this point it is worth wondering whether we have all been duped by this discussion: is it not a classic case of divide and rule being exercised on the commentariat by the corporate elite? Because the question of immigration is not really a question of immigration at all. The political furore caused by the racist vans is just window[1] thrown by the political establishment. The present media and political bombardment creates a huge noise to attack or defend people from other nation-states who have become our neighbours. Such identity politics sucks you in and is a powerful distraction from the main issue, which is the consequences of the internationalisation of labour and the utter failure of those whose political project should be to protect the conditions of working people to make a political response. 

Globalisation is a reality now, albeit a reality I would rather see reversed, for reasons that stem from my concern for the huge energy demand engendered by the movement of both people and goods. If it is here to stay then the rules governing the global capitalist system need to be negotiated by the people of the world: this should be where our energy is focused. Whether in terms of taxation or workers' rights the framework that governs the global market should be negotiated by democratic means and with social and ecological objectives. The failure of this most basic form of justice is why our lives appear more Dickensian every year. In a horrifying global echo, the national degradation that the first round of capitalism left in its wake, represented by the human flotsam of prostitution, drug abuse, gangsterism and cultural decay found in Victorian Britain, now characterises the cities of the world and is fast returning home. We are the International Workers of the World, and we have never been needed more.

Thanks to Chris Hart for some really insightful comments on an earlier draft of this post






[1] Wikipedia: a radar counter-measure in which aircraft or other targets spread a cloud of small, thin pieces of alumninium which either appears as a cluster of secondary targets on radar screens or swamps the screen with multiple returns
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