The theory says that 'public goods' cannot be provided efficiently by the market. The rather grainy image below shows why this is the case by setting up a simplistic four-dimensional division of goods between different categories according to whether you can exclude other people from them and whether you compete with other people to obtain them.
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Today the focus is on the final category: public goods. Theory says it makes sense to provide these as a community, paid for from taxation, because you cannot exclude people from them and they benefit everybody in the community. This is a recognition that education or a decent postal service are not personal services but important components of the sort of society we all want to live in. Some of us will pay more for them than others, and we will use them more or less at different points in our lives. They are services we share and therefore should be in the public sector.
I need hardly point out that, following hard on the heels of our lesson about the very public nature of banking, the theory has been proved this week in the case of both railways and post offices - they simply will not work in the private sector. When bits of them are privatised profits are made by corporations and their shareholders, the service declines, and when profits are no longer available we still have to fund them from taxation because they are too fundamental to do without. This is not a radical old-Labour conclusion; it is the obvious conclusion from any (even a market-orientated) examination of how the economy works.
So why have we struggled for years with disastrous and declining rail and post systems? The megalomania of the market makers has outstripped even their own dubious theory. Their mantra that the market is always best was used to extract all possible value from some of our most precious public goods, leaving us with near-worthless husks that we will now have to resuscitate. Tweet
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